Periodistas en el Infierno de Abril
Si activan el enlace que he colocado en este Blog relativo a la agresividad e impunidad con los trabajadores de la prensa venezolana, pueden apreciar de una sola vez lo que pasa en la Venezuela de hoy en dia.

Dos Enlaces (Links) sobre Venezuela
En los enlaces que aparecen este Blog se pueden activar dos Hojas dedicadas a comentar los que pasa en la actualidad en Venezuela. Una se denomina V-Crisis, la cual forma parte de la Fundacion de Informaciones Internacionales y la otra tiene por titulo Encabezados en ingles y pertenece a periodistas y editores profesionales reconocidos.

Venezuela & Cuba ??
Chavez links with Cuba fuel US fight

By FT Reporters

Published: March 30, 2004

Venezuelan opponents of Hugo Chavez think they have found a new ally in
their struggle to oust the country's president - Florida's politically
powerful Cuban-American community.

Cuban-Americans have their own reason for disliking Mr Chavez: the
53,000 barrels of Venezuelan oil that flow to Cuba daily, which Cuba
analysts call a "lifeline" for Mr Castro.

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Within the last 10 days, Mr Chavez has agreed to a 68 per cent increase
in Mr Castro's oil ration, to 78,000 barrels a day, according to Jaime
Suchlicki, director of the Institute of Cuban and Cuban-American Studies
at the University of Miami. There were also rumours among Miami Cubans
that Mr Castro was being permitted to resell some oil, said Prof Suchlicki.

"It's something that Cuban-Americans think is important," said Joe
Garcia, executive director of the Cuban-American National Foundation.
"Venezuela is right now the biggest subsidiser of Cuba's economy."

Meanwhile, Mr Chavez, a militaristic populist who considers Mr Castro
his political mentor, appears to have strong-armed his way out of an
opposition bid to hold a recall referendum and thrown several people in
jail.

Opponents of Mr Chavez said last week that 18 people had been imprisoned
for political reasons in the past month.

While the Cuban-American community empathises with Venezuelan-Americans,
they are concerned for another reason: political strife has prompted an
influx of as many as 200,000 Venezuelans into south Florida over the
past two years. As Mr Garcia put it, the Venezuelans "are here to stay
if conditions stay the way they are in Venezuela now".

Venezuela's political ructions could play a role in November's US
elections. John Kerry, the Democratic presidential candidate, strongly
criticised Mr Chavez in a statement this month.

Pundits saw that as an attempt to compete for Mr Bush's traditional base
of support among Cuban-American voters and a signal Mr Kerry would
pursue an energetic Latin America policy.

"President Chavez's policies have been detrimental to our interests and
those of his neighbours," Mr Kerry said. "His close relationship with
Fidel Castro has raised serious questions about his commitment to
leading a truly democratic government."

Only two weeks earlier Mr Chavez had praised Mr Kerry and called him a
friend.

"The Bush administration has abdicated significant leadership on the
issue of democracy in Latin America, especially in Venezuela," said
Julia Sweig, deputy director of the Latin America programme at the
Council on Foreign Relations think-tank.

A further complication for President George W. Bush is high gasoline
prices. Renewed civil strife in Venezuela, the US's fourth-largest
supplier, could further disrupt the flow of oil.

Mr Chavez last month threatened to cut off the US's oil supplies if the
Bush administration attempted to topple him. Another sharp price rise at
the start of the summer travel season would do little for Mr Bush's
popularity on the campaign trail.

Perhaps it is little surprise then that support for Mr Bush among
potential Hispanic voters, at least in Florida, appears soft.

"It's difficult for Bush to point out one area where his foreign policy
is working," said one Cuban-American political strategist. "He said:
'I'm going to be Latin America's best friend,' and there's been a total
collapse."

During the presidential election in 2000, Mr Bush won the state of
Florida by only 537 votes, even though more than four-fifths of
Florida's 500,000 Cuban Americans voted for him.

The strategist said the White House was "searching for Elian", referring
to Elian Gonzalez, the Cuban boy whose controversial repatriation by the
Clinton administration enraged Cuban-Americans. "They're trying to find
some issue that galvanises the Cuban-American community, and they can't.
They can't because they've done nothing."

Maylin Silva, a Venezuelan lawyer based in Miami, was one of the
organisers of a rally in Miami last weekend that sought to link the
Cuban and Venezuelan leaders as sponsors of terrorism. She said she
liked Mr Kerry's hard line, adding: "If Kerry wins, it's possible
something could change for Venezuela."

If Mr Kerry can convince Cuban-Americans that the road to Havana runs
through Caracas, that could prove a speed bump in Mr Bush's drive back
to the White House.

Reporting by Henry Hamman in Miami, Andy Webb-Vidal in Caracas and
Salamander Davoudi in Washington

Venezuela : nuevos conflictos
Venezuela acaba de entrar en el campo de los conlictos legales. La Sala Electoral le enmendo la plana y los errores al Consejo Nacional Eelectoral (CNE), pero la Sala Constitucional le enmendo la plana a la sala Electoral; ha surgido un conflicto de competencia entre las salas judiciales y ahora las sentencias tiene que ir a al Tribunal Supremo de Justicia (a la Plenaria), para dirigir el asunto.

Surgen conflictos entre aspirantes a ser Gobernadores y Alcaldes en las proximas elecciones regionales. Divide para reinar.... dice el dicho. No te tropieces con la misma piedra, dice otro pensamiento popular, muy sabio por cierto. Estamos enredados en asuntos politicos y el pais cada vez retrocede a pasos agigantados. Que lastima....

Un buen analisis
Coup by Technicality Friday, March 5, 2004; Page A22 LATE LAST YEAR 3,448,747 of Venezuela's 24 million citizens turned out in just four days to sign petitions calling for a recall referendum on President Hugo Chavez. This extraordinary civic exercise, monitored by observers from the Organization of American States and the Carter Center, offered a democratic solution to years of political conflict in that important oil-producing nation -- trouble that threatened to push Venezuela into dictatorship or civil war. Now Mr. Chavez, whose crackpot populism and authoritarian methods provoked the crisis, blatantly seeks to stop the vote, in violation of his commitment to both the OAS and his own constitution. His actions have already prompted a new wave of unrest across the country, including demonstrations in which at least seven people have been killed. Unless he can be restrained, Mr. Chavez may complete his destruction of one of Latin America's most enduring democracies. Though the constitution, drawn up under Mr. Chavez's own administration, requires 20 percent of all voters to back a referendum, opposition groups collected 1 million signatures more than should have been needed for the recall vote. These signatures were rigorously audited by a nonpartisan civic group before being forwarded to the electoral commission. Yet, after delaying its response for weeks, the commission, dominated by Mr. Chavez's supporters, rejected 1.6 million of them, or nearly half the total. To do so, it invented requirements that didn't previously exist. Most notably, it threw out 876,000 signatures, each accompanied by a thumbprint, because someone other than the voter had entered registration details on the petition. Mr. Chavez's functionaries subsequently announced that they would give about a million of those stricken from the list a chance to restore their names -- but only if they appear in a limited number of registration centers during one two-day period. In practice, that poses a next-to-impossible logistical challenge to the opposition, even if there were no harassment from Mr. Chavez's police and civilian goon squads. But attempts by the foreign mediators to reverse this Kafkaesque coup have so far been unsuccessful. Mr. Chavez, who has built a strong alliance with Cuba's Fidel Castro and imported thousands of Cuban personnel, appears eager for a domestic and international confrontation. Last weekend he called President Bush an "illegitimate" president, referred to him with a vulgar epithet and threatened to cut off oil supplies to the United States. Opposition leaders say that more than 300 people have been arrested in recent days, and that some have been tortured. Given the Bush administration's weak position in the region, hope for a peaceful or democratic solution rests mostly with Venezuela's Latin American neighbors, starting with Brazil. If Mr. Chavez continues to deny his people a democratic vote, leaders from those nations must be prepared to invoke the Democracy Charter of the OAS and threaten him with the isolation reserved for autocrats.

Un mensaje relevante
Declaracion de la Sociedad Internacional para los Derechos
Humanos y la Fundacion Andrei Sajarov
Comunicado


Ante la mas reciente oleada de crimenes contra la poblacion civil
venezolana, que reclama respeto a la institucionalidad democratica, perpetrados
por el nuevo aspirante a caudillo totalitario, Hugo Chavez, nuestras
organizaciones de Derechos Humanos expresan su mas firme condena y, hacen un
llamado a la opinion publica internacional para que rechace de manera
categorica este retroceso hacia la barbarie que, bajo la influencia directa de
los mandos stalinistas capitaneados por Fidel Castro desde La Habana, amenaza
con someter a toda la sociedad venezolana a la debacle y al sojuzgamiento
tiranico.


Los subterfugios y los argumentos mendaces, que esta empleando el
chavismo en Venezuela son los mismos que, historicamente, han empleado otros
despotas que terminaron exterminando a millones de seres humanos, con el solo
proposito real de perpetuarse en el poder y de crear dinastias de verdugos.
V.I. Lenin, Adolfo Hitler, Mao Tse Tung, Benito Mussolini y Fidel Castro, entre
otros representantes del bestiario en el Siglo XX, han establecido las formulas
para aplastar todo vestigio de estado de derecho democratico y de libertades
publicas.

Una nueva ola de nacional socialismo fascista y stalinista recorre
America Latina, con Hugo Chavez y Fidel Castro fungiendo de comisarios en jefe,
como por decadas recorrio Europa durante el pasado siglo. Los luchadores por el
respeto integral de los Derechos Humanos, en cualquier lugar del planeta, no
pueden permanecer impasibles ante este nuevo ciclo de regreso a la servidumbre
medieval.

Vitautas Landsbergis, Presidente de la IGFM, ex Presidente de
Lituania.

Alexander Soljenitzyn, ex prisonero del Gulag y Premio Nobel de
Literatura

Lech Walesa, ex presidente de Polonia Janos Kiss, ex Presidente del
Parlamento de Hungria

Vaclav Havel, ex presidente de la Republica Checa

Serguei Agrusow, Fundador de la IGFM, Alemania Elena Bonner,
Presidenta de la Fundacion Andrei Sajarov.

Elie Wiezel, Premio Nobel de la Paz

Haydee Marin, Presidenta del Comite Panamericano de la IGFM

Miroslav Kusy, Miembro del Parlamento de la Republica de Eslovaquia

Anton Manolescu, Presidente de la Comision de Derechos Humanos del
Parlamento de Rumania Sergel Grigorianc, Grupos Helsinki de Moscu Adam Michnik,
pensador y periodista de Polonia Ricardo Bofill, Presidente del Comite Cubano
pro Derechos Humanos

Lee Van Thau, Director Ejecutivo Coordinadora de Derechos Humanos de
Viet Nam

Sergej Kovaljov, Movimiento Ruso de Derechos Humanos.

Por fin...cual es el criterio
Esto................. Chavez (el Presidenete): "Debe saber el se?or Bush que si se le ocurre la locura de bloquear o de tratar de bloquear a Venezuela; o peor para ellos, de invadir a Venezuela para oir el canto desesperado de los lacayos de plaza Altamira, sepa el pueblo de Estados Unidos que lamentablemente ni una gota de petroleo les llegara desde Venezuela". (El Nacional 01/03/04) .............o esto: Rodriguez Araque (Presidente de Petroleos de Venezuela-PDV): El presidente de Petroleos de Venezuela, Ali Rodriguez Araque, dijo el fin de semana a AP que Venezuela seguira siendo un proveedor seguro de energia para los Estados Unidos, desestimando asi los rumores de una posible fractura en las relaciones entre Caracas y Washington. (El Mundo 01/03/04)

El ejemplo de Khatami (Iran)
El unico jefe de Estado y de Gobierno en la reunion de los G15 en Caracas, que dio un buen ejemplo fue el Presidente de la Republica Islamica de Iran, Seyed Mohammed Khatami. Este estadista aboga por la democracia, la tecnologia, el imperio del conociiento cientifico, el equilibrio con el sector privado y dejar de criticar a los paises poderosos, pues de ellos es necesario aprender muchas cosas como su democracia, el respeto a los derechos humanos y poder dialogar con esas potencias para buscar alli muchos beneficio.

En una palabra este Jefe de Estado se ha dado cuenta que los paises del G15 tienen muchas fortalezas, pero muchas debilidades que hay que eliminar; y que es necesario disminuir las amenazas de las potencias industrializadas, pero aprovechando las oportunidades al dialogar con ellas y obtener de ese modo muchas ventajas.

Un desequilibrio total...
Se puede ver muy clara la estrategia para eliminar el referendo revocatorio contra el Presidente Hugo Ch?vez. El Consejo Nacional Electoral s?lo quiere aprobar, hasta el momento, 1.909.200 firmas que considera como v?lidas. Las cuentas que ellos sacaron para lograr el NO al referendo, es la siguiente: si la oposici?n necesita 2.456.789 de firmas para activar el revocatorio contra el Presidente, a la oposici?n le faltar?a 547.589 para lograr ese objetivo; por eso llevan a reparo 759.000 firmas, de las cuales las ?nicas que podr?an ser reconfirmadas ser?an 516.000, y de esa manera todav?a faltar?an 32.589 firmas, y ello les permitir?a demostrar as? que no se puede activar el procedimiento del revocatorio constitucional.

Mientras tanto el oficialismo le tiene miedo a contarse : ?porqu?? , por que el 65% al 70% de los inscritos en el registro electoral, rechazar?an al Presidente y apenas un 30% al 35% lo aceptar?a.

Pero la estrategia para ganar tiempo es evidente, pues el gobierno gasta el dinero de los impuestos pagados por los ciudadanos y parte de los ingresos petroleros, en hacer marchas pagadas para movilizar, en la capital del pa?s, a un contingente grueso de personas, muchas de ellas tra?das a su costo, desde el interior del pa?s, y aparentar as? su fortaleza mayoritaria. Ellos saben que eso produce un efecto psicol?gico en alguna poblaci?n que desear?a apoyar, con su presencia, al grupo que tenga mayor posibilidad de ganar. Por eso, necesitan tiempo para administrar esa campa?a pol?tica "maquiav?lica" con dineros del Estado; y por eso, no quieren contarse en las urnas electorales, ya que se desea permanecer en el poder, recurriendo a cualquier medio que aparente ser l?cito.

Es muy f?cil seguir en el poder, si se dominan, como sea, todas las instituciones. Si se fragmentan todas las instituciones democr?ticas (en especial las Fuerzas Armadas), si se tiene mucho dinero para ese logro (un precio del barril de petr?leo siempre superior a los US$ 20 d?lares); pues, con tantos recursos se pueden comprar muchos votos y muchas conciencias. Por eso se hacen los grandes mega-mercados populares, se realiza un operativo r?pido de naturalizaciones del mill?n de extranjeros que viven en el pa?s; se otorgan becas-trabajo a la poblaci?n estudiantil; se realizan programas sociales coyunturales de corte populista y sin apoyo institucional y donde es posible que sus administradores puedan quedarse con una buena parte del dinero previsto para esos fines, Adem?s, se otorgan canonj?as a la clientela pol?tica; se permite la corrupci?n de cuello blanco; se regala, a precios subsidiados, el suministro de petr?leo a los pa?ses que est?n dispuestos a demostrar su apoyo a la "revoluci?n" ; se realizan reuniones y foros internacionales con pa?ses de la extrema izquierda, con la idea de ofrecer de nuevo alguna ventaja, siempre que aplaudan al Gobierno; se pasa por encima de leyes y tratados internacionales, para buscar ventajas en lugares geogr?ficos con problemas fronterizos; se acepta la presencia de guerrilleros profesionales en cualquier parte del Sur del Continente, siempre que apoyen la "revoluci?n bolivariana".

Es una estrategia de muchos frentes, dif?cil de combatir por una sociedad civil que aunque sabe que tiene en sus manos la mayor?a si se diese una votaci?n transparente y secreta, no cuenta ni con el poder institucional ni con dinero suficiente para enfrentar a un gobierno que aparenta ser democr?tico y que realmente no lo es. La sociedad civil lo ?nico que tiene en su poder es su presencia activa en las calles con sus banderas, sus pitos y sus cacerolas para enfrentar a una Guardia Nacional bien equipada con sus bombas lacrim?genas, las balas de perdigones y paramilitares infiltrados que incluso pueden en un momento dado disparar con armas de fuego. Es un enfrentamiento totalmente desequilibrado, que s?lo produce heridos y muertos.

Frustraciones y mas frustraciones
Venezuela

Kafka in Caracas

Feb 26th 2004 | CARACAS
From The Economist print edition



Chavez frustrates the petitioners

TIME was when Latin American rulers would lose an election but still
manage to win it during the vote count. But it is a novelty for a vote
to be stolen before it has even been scheduled. According to Venezuela
's opposition, that is just what the country's increasingly
authoritarian president, Hugo Chavez, is trying to do with a recall
referendum which--if it ever happens--could bring his populist
government to an abrupt end.

Ironically, Mr Chavez was once a great enthusiast for the idea of recall
referendums, an innovation in a new constitution he sponsored in 1999.
No longer. The electoral council (CNE) was slow to issue rules for
referendums, so two previous opposition attempts were ruled invalid.
Last year, the CNE finally drew up guidelines; these have been followed
by the Democratic Co-ordinator, the opposition umbrella group.


On four days late last year, the Co-ordinator gathered over 3m
signatures calling for the plebiscite. The CNE's rules were so strict
that, for example, petition forms were printed on bank security paper to
avoid fraud. The signature-gathering went smoothly, witnessed by
officials from the government, the opposition and the CNE.

But on day three, when it became clear that the number of signatures
would easily exceed the 2.4m (20% of the electorate) required, Mr Chavez
denounced the exercise as a "mega-fraud". If the CNE called the
referendum, he would not recognise it.

But the president then backtracked, saying he would respect the
council's decision and calling on the opposition to do the same. Why?
Perhaps because the CNE's board, three of whose five members appear to
support the government, is itself throwing up obstacles. It is already a
month late in ruling on whether a referendum should take place. And it
has been making up new rules as it goes along.

On February 24th, the CNE ruled that signatures will be annulled if the
accompanying personal details were penned by another hand (eg, if they
were taken down by the referendum organisers)--unless the signatories
individually confirm during a five-day period that they really did sign.
That should be enough to abort the referendum.

The Organisation of American States (OAS), which has observed the
process, is said to have discussed pulling out if what it has called
"excessive technicalities" take precedence over the will of the
electorate. It is no mere onlooker. Together with the Carter Centre,
headed by Jimmy Carter, a former American president, it did much to
persuade the opposition to take the referendum route (despite its fears
that Mr Chavez would bend the rules). Both are guarantors of a deal
struck in May 2003 in which government and opposition agreed to abide by
the constitution. "No tricks!", warned Mr Carter at the time.

Absent a referendum, many would argue that Mr Chavez was no longer
ruling as a democrat. Venezuela would risk expulsion from the OAS for
violating its Democratic Charter. That decision might be closely fought.
Mr Chavez would hope for many votes from the small states of the
English-speaking Caribbean , to whom he supplies cheap oil. He recently
visited neighbouring Guyana , where he downplayed Venezuela 's claim to
that country's Essequibo territory. A sudden about-turn aimed at
forestalling diplomatic isolation, said opponents. But if forced to
choose between isolation and power, Mr Chavez might prefer to walk alone.